“There’s a reflex in Australian politics that turns grief into ladder-climbing. After Bondi, the chorus demanding a Royal Commission has become compulsory. But the nation is being sold catharsis when what’s needed is law—and what’s on offer is legally hobbled theatre.”
Anthony Albanese’s surrender to a Bondi Royal Commission reveals a political system that prioritises spectacle over justice. But as diverse communities unite to demand real accountability, the question isn’t whether Albanese folded—it’s whether Australia will let the powerful turn tragedy into theatre. A systemic analysis of fear, failure, and the fightback
Labor can’t bypass the Murdoch machine while simultaneously feeding it. Part Three exposes the Ley-Advance axis—and Labor’s own complicity. From independent media to digital warfare, here’s how Albanese could win the narrative war. If he has the courage.
Anthony Albanese’s government is under siege—but history shows Labor can fight back. From Whitlam’s boldness to Keating’s fire and the Greens’ grassroots power, survival demands courage. Here’s how.
After billions in development, Microsoft quietly slashed expectations for Copilot, its AI wonderchild that can’t reliably perform basic tasks. The pattern is grimly familiar: massive investment chasing promised returns that never appear, followed by market correction when reality intrudes. But this bubble comes with a uniquely toxic twist—AI’s environmental cost accelerates the very climate crisis it claims it will solve.
Data centers now gulp enough water annually to supply hundreds of families while generating marketing copy riddled with errors. Training GPT-3 alone evaporated 700,000 liters of clean freshwater. Meanwhile, Australia’s Albanese government subsidizes data center expansion while manufacturing collapses, emissions targets slip through accounting tricks, and workers face automation without security.
The millenarian faith in AI’s salvation delays the unglamorous work we actually need: rapid decarbonization, public investment in resilience, and democratic reform to counter corporate capture. Time to stop waiting for miracles.
Christmas 2025, and Australia’s teenagers are unwrapping their presents: new VPNs, borrowed parental logins, and AI-generated profile photos. Two weeks into Labor’s world-first social media ban, and it’s already a monument to performative governance. Meanwhile, the minister who should be celebrating is in hiding over travel rorts, and the policy architect has vanished into an expenses scandal. Welcome to government theatre at its finest.
Picture Tony Abbott at the IPA lectern, Bondi’s blood barely dry, branding the killings “an attack on all Australians.” Before we accept the performance, it’s worth examining the script – and the stagehands. Abbott is not a former PM quietly offering reflection. He is a paid director of Fox Corporation, Rupert Murdoch’s US outrage sausage-machine, earning well over AU$500,000 a year. When he inflates tragedy into civilisational war, he speaks from inside the Fox wheelhouse, not from civic conscience.
We excised Brenton Tarrant from our consciousness because examining him would require examining the political culture that helped produce him. Meanwhile, elite networks use “combating antisemitism” to advance right-wing agendas funded by the same corporate interests that profit from inequality. Part 2 reveals how institutional power operates through selective attention to religious violence.
Australia is a post-religious nation whose institutions remain structured for religious privilege. We have declining religious participation but expanding religious institutional power. We have fewer believers but stronger legal protections for discrimination. We have marginal religious practice but media that treats religious institutions as deserving special deference. Most Australians don’t have religion. But religious institutions—operating through legal privilege, institutional networks, lobbying capacity, and media deference—hold a powerful grip on Australian public policy, education, and employment law. They retain structural power precisely because they no longer need mass participation.
n the wake of Bondi, grief is being channelled into a dangerous misdiagnosis: that Jewish safety requires conflation, censorship, and punitive power. This essay argues for a public health approach to violent extremism, warns against collapsing Judaism into Israeli state policy, and shows how selective vigilance and entrenched Islamophobia undermine prevention and make everyone less safe.
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