A president who thinks Nepal is part of India is now bombing boats off Venezuela. The world has every reason to be terrified.
Is it Monroe 2.0? Or Donald Duterte Trump? The Hot Guy, “hot as a pistol” as he sees himself, is not just a pretty face, he loves to gun down suspected drug-smugglers in international waters. With an anti-tank missile.
Of course it’s all a huge joke to VP, JD Vance and Trump’s cabinet of sycophantic enablers, too.
“I wouldn’t go fishing right now in that area of the world,”
We are a witnessing a chilling normalization of extrajudicial killings as somehow “hip” and a source of political entertainment. Could it get any sicker?
The Grotesque Reality
A weapon designed to obliterate a 60-ton main battle tank with composite armor is being fired at an unarmored wooden boat.
The explosion doesn’t just kill you; it vaporizes, incinerates, and disintegrates. There’s no arrest, no trial, no chance to surrender, no verification of who you actually are or what you’re carrying. In the first strike, sources reported the boat appeared to be turning back when hit. Imagine that if you can.
You see a flash, maybe hear a sound for a split second, and then nothing. Your family gets no body to bury. No day in court. No compensation. Just a video clip posted on social media by the President claiming you were a “narco-terrorist.”
As a former international law instructor notes, there is no legal basis for this use of lethal force – “blowing the vessel out of the water and killing the entire crew is not allowed, save for a military action within the course of armed conflict against an enemy during a time of war” RAPPLER.
The overkill is the point – it’s meant to terrorize, not just interdict.
Trump’s second term has unleashed a foreign policy doctrine as dangerous as it is incoherent; a volatile cocktail of military adventurism, institutional destruction, and profound ignorance of the world beyond America’s borders. From bombing alleged drug boats off Venezuela, to gutting global health programmes, from sanctioning international courts to threatening neighbouring democracies, Trump is systematically dismantling the postwar international order.
But what makes this moment uniquely perilous isn’t simply the aggression; it’s that these sweeping interventions are being conducted by a leader who doesn’t know where countries are, can’t pronounce their names, and appears contemptuous of learning. More alarmingly, we’re witnessing the deliberate normalisation of violence; a strategy perfected in Gaza now being exported globally, where daily atrocities become mere statistics and the world learns to look away.
A Geography of Contempt
Trump’s now-infamous reference to Haiti and African nations as “shithole countries” in January 2018, confirmed by many senators, including Democrat Dick Durbin, reveals more than racism. It exposes fundamental contempt for understanding the nations he now seeks to dominate. According to the Washington Post, Trump also claimed Haitian immigrants “all have AIDS” and that Nigerian immigrants would never “go back to their huts.”
The pattern is consistent and well-documented. During a 2017 briefing before meeting India’s Prime Minister, Trump mispronounced Nepal as “nipple” and Bhutan as “button.” Two sources present said he didn’t know these were independent countries, believing them “all part of India.” When shown a map of South Asia, he reportedly asked: “What is this stuff in between and these other countries?”
Trump’s claimed he’s building a border wall in Colorado; which doesn’t border a foreign country. He told Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi that China isn’t on India’s border, despite the two nations sharing a 2,100-mile frontier. He referred to Namibia as “Nambia” in a 2017 speech to African leaders.
As foreign policy analyst Robert Kaplan observed, Trump is America’s “first post-literate president”; he “doesn’t really read” and hasn’t “immersed himself in the study of narrative history.” Operating without historical framework, he’s left with what scholars call a “dark geographical imagination”; understanding places through stereotypes, Fox infotainment and gut instinct rather than knowledge.
This would be merely embarrassing if Trump’s policies remained diplomatic. But today, he commands the world’s most powerful military whilst demonstrably unable to locate the countries he’s attacking; a Mr Magoo with the codes to Armageddon.
Venezuela: A War Built on Fiction
Trump’s current Venezuela strategy exemplifies the lethal consequences of this ignorance. The administration has deployed over 4,000 marines and sailors plus seven warships; including a nuclear-powered submarine, three missile destroyers, and cruisers; to Venezuelan waters, ostensibly to combat “terrorist” drug cartels. In mid-September, Trump announced on social media that U.S. forces had struck alleged narcotrafficking boats in the Caribbean, killing eleven people. Within days, he claimed a third boat had been struck. The tally now stands at four.
It mirrors, in its own grim way, the daily carnage in Gaza; violence administered so routinely that the world becomes inured to the shock. When “strikes” become a daily occurrence, when each new death toll is merely an increment rather than an outrage, we’ve crossed into something more sinister than war. We’ve normalised extrajudicial killing as policy.
Hannah Arendt wrote of the banality of evil, the bureaucratisation of atrocity. What we’re witnessing is the banality of bombing: strikes, the slick, surgical, euphemism favoured by our national broadcaster to sanitise the unimaginable pain and suffering inflicted by modern weaponry; “strikes” are announced on social media like weather updates, bodies counted like statistics, international law violations committed with the casual frequency of a morning coffee order.
Our world is being trained to accept that there will be a daily body count, whether in the Mediterranean, the Caribbean, or the occupied territories. This is not accident; it’s The Plan. Overwhelm the capacity for outrage. Make horror routine. Criminalise dissent.
The rationale? Trump claims Venezuela is a narco-state threatening American lives. But United Nations data contradicts this narrative entirely. Venezuela accounts for less than 2% of Latin American cocaine seizures, whilst Colombia accounts for 37%. Of the 3,700 tonnes of cocaine produced globally, over 2,500 tonnes come from Colombia. Venezuela doesn’t even appear on UN production maps. The DEA’s own annual report states that 84% of cocaine seized in the U.S. comes from Colombia. In the report’s four pages on cocaine trafficking, Venezuela isn’t mentioned.
Trump’s strikes may make headlines, but they reveal strategic incompetence. Killing smugglers doesn’t stop drug trade: it opens market opportunities for others. Cartels are resilient, decentralised, and profit-driven. When one route closes or one crew is eliminated, another fills the void. This is basic economics that Trump’s team appears unable to grasp. Worse, these extrajudicial military killings shred the rule of law and set dangerous precedents; precedents that echo from the Caribbean to the Eastern Mediterranean.
The Systematic Destruction of International Law
What distinguishes Trump’s second term from his first is the systematic, almost gleeful dismantling of international legal norms. Within his first week in office, sixteen current and former American UN human rights experts issued a statement condemning what they called “the most extensive assault on human rights and accountability by any U.S. administration in modern history.”
Legal scholars at Cambridge’s Lauterpacht Centre for International Law documented “numerous apparent breaches of international law” in Trump’s first six weeks alone, warning that “the cumulative effect of these measures appears to constitute a significant challenge to the international legal system.”
The violations are staggering:
Abandoning multilateral institutions: Trump withdrew from the UN Human Rights Council, the World Health Organization, and UNESCO, whilst reviewing U.S. membership in dozens of international organisations and treaties. He ordered a comprehensive review of “all international intergovernmental organisations of which the United States is a member” to determine which should be defunded or abandoned.
Attacking international justice: In February 2025, Trump imposed sanctions on the International Criminal Court, declaring it had “engaged in illegitimate and baseless actions targeting America and our close ally Israel” after the ICC issued arrest warrants for Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Here we see the architecture of impunity being constructed brick by brick. By attacking the ICC, Trump isn’t merely protecting Israeli officials from accountability for potential war crimes in Gaza; he’s establishing a precedent that powerful nations can bomb with impunity anywhere. The message is clear: if Israel can destroy hospitals and refugee camps without reprisal, then American forces can sink boats in the Caribbean with impunity. The normalisation of atrocity in one theatre licenses it in all others.
Violating refugee obligations: By defunding UNHCR wholesale, the U.S. potentially violates the 1967 Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees, which commits states to “co-operate with the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees.”
The Gaza plan: UN human rights experts warned in September 2025 that Trump’s proposed peace plan for Gaza; which envisions a transitional government chaired by Trump himself: “risks entrenching violations of international law.” The experts identified 15 specific ways the plan breaches international legal principles, including denying Palestinians’ right to self-determination and bypassing UN authority.
As one analyst put it: “There is no credible claim to self-defence or multilateral norms. The world is experiencing a return to the rules of 19th-century imperialism and the foreign policy norms of Mussolini and the other 1920s and 1930s fascists.”
The Banality of Bombing: From Gaza to the Caribbean
The most dangerous lesson of Gaza isn’t merely that hospitals can be bombed and schools destroyed; it’s that such destruction can become routine, accepted, barely newsworthy. When the Al-Ahli Arab Hospital was struck in October 2023, the world recoiled. By the hundredth hospital damaged or destroyed, the coverage had moved to page six. This is the strategy: overwhelm moral outrage through sheer volume.
Trump has internalised this lesson. His boat strikes off Venezuela aren’t announced with grave presidential addresses; they’re tweeted between golf rounds. There’s no pretence of solemnity, no acknowledgment that human beings have been killed without trial, without charges, without the basic protections of law. The casual brutality is the point.
It says: this is normal now. Get used to it.
Arendt observed that the greatest evil is committed not by fanatics but by bureaucrats doing their jobs with thoughtless efficiency. We might add: and by presidents announcing extrajudicial killings with the casual indifference of someone ordering lunch. The banality isn’t in the method; it’s in the complete absence of moral reckoning, the utter normalisation of violence as policy.
Gutting Humanitarian Aid Whilst Bombing Neighbours
The contradictions are darkly revealing. Whilst Trump deploys warships and bombs boats, he’s simultaneously eviscerating America’s capacity to address root causes of migration and instability. His administration slashed USAID by over 90%, terminating thousands of contracts and leaving vulnerable nations without critical support.
In the Philippines, disaster preparedness programmes were halted midstream, leaving communities exposed to deadly typhoons. In Venezuela, where millions have fled in one of the hemisphere’s largest migration crises, Trump cut aid whilst simultaneously blaming Maduro for a drug crisis he didn’t create and deporting migrants back to the chaos U.S. sanctions helped produce.
The Supreme Court on October 3, 2025 allowed Trump to strip temporary deportation protections from 300,000-350,000 Venezuelans.
UN experts warn: “The global shutdown of USAID assistance is already having immediate effects on patients in U.S.-funded facilities and on dissidents seeking protection from authoritarian regimes.”
This isn’t mere hypocrisy; it’s a deliberate choice. Military violence is amplified whilst humanitarian assistance is eliminated. The message is unmistakable: America offers bullets, not bandages. This too follows the Gaza playbook, where Israeli forces have systematically targeted humanitarian infrastructure whilst blocking aid convoys.
The lesson being taught globally is that compassion is weakness, that helping the vulnerable is naive, that the only language that matters is force.
The Signal to America’s Enemies
Harvard’s Stephen Walt describes what we’re witnessing as “the greatest voluntary liquidation of a great power’s status and geopolitical influence in modern history.” But the danger isn’t merely America’s declining influence, it’s what Trump’s combination of wilful ignorance and malignancy: his pathological aggression signals to adversaries.
A president who doesn’t know basic geography, who operates on gut instinct rather than intelligence briefings, who confuses countries and mispronounces their names, yet commands the world’s most powerful military, invites miscalculation. During Trump’s confrontation with Colombian President Gustavo Petro over deportation flights, China’s ambassador to Colombia tweeted that “we are at the best moment in our diplomatic relations,” noting Beijing will “position itself as a reliable and predictable partner” whilst Trump’s chaos creates openings for U.S. rivals across the region.
Russia and China don’t need to defeat America militarily when Trump is alienating allies, shredding treaties, and demonstrating to the world that American leadership has become erratic, uninformed, and lawless. They simply need to wait whilst America undermines itself; bombing boats it claims carry drugs, sanctioning courts it claims are illegitimate, abandoning allies it claims are ungrateful.
The Gaza conflict has already taught authoritarian regimes a crucial lesson: Western rhetoric about human rights and international law is situational, applied selectively, discarded when inconvenient. Trump has taken this lesson and universalised it. There are no rules anymore, only power. No laws, only interests. No accountability, only force.
Echoes of Reagan, Hollowed Out
Trump’s advisers style this approach as Reaganesque; evoking the Cold War president’s interventions in Nicaragua and elsewhere. But the comparison reveals how degraded American statecraft has become. Reagan, whatever his flaws, operated within a framework of alliances, international law (however selectively applied), and strategic coherence. He could locate Nicaragua on a map.
Trump operates in a world with stronger international norms but weaker American credibility. When he declared that Latin American countries “need us much more than we need them,” he fundamentally misjudged the complex dynamics of the region. Along with his accelerating mental decline, his contempt for diplomacy, multilateralism, and basic factual knowledge leaves the U.S. increasingly isolated.
Above all, the die is cast. Trump’s advisers reportedly see strikes on Iran and Venezuela as political lifelines; believing military action boosts approval ratings whilst tariffs depress growth. But polling suggests otherwise: Americans are weary of endless wars and sceptical of Trump’s justifications.
The Dangerous Convergence
The world faces something unprecedented: a superpower led by an increasingly senile, malignant narcissist who combines sweeping military ambitions with elementary geographic ignorance, humanitarian indifference with contempt for international law, and unilateral aggression with strategic incompetence. And all this is set in a global order where violence has been so thoroughly normalised that daily bombings; whether of hospitals in Gaza or boats off Venezuela; barely register as news.
This is the painful lesson we must learn: when the world accepts one stream of atrocities, it opens the door to all others. Gaza wasn’t merely a humanitarian catastrophe; it was a proof of concept. It demonstrated that systematic violence, conducted openly and daily, eventually exhausts the world’s capacity for outrage. The international community’s failure to stop the destruction of Gaza has given a green light to every other actor contemplating violence without consequences.
Trump’s vision of greatness is one where might makes right, aid is expendable, laws are optional, and knowledge is irrelevant. But this doctrine isn’t sustainable. As the UN experts warned, these actions “fail to advance any conceivable American national interest, which lies in a worldwide system founded on principles of human rights, the non-use of force, collaboration to solve global problems, and the sovereign equality of states.”
I won’t pretend this ends well. History may not remember Trump as Reagan’s heir, but as a cautionary tale: a leader who weaponised ignorance, mistook dominance for leadership, and perfected the art of making atrocity banal. And, somehow we let him. He leaves behind not just broken norms and fractured alliances, but a world more dangerous because the most powerful nation on earth demonstrated that violence, conducted routinely enough, becomes invisible.
The question isn’t whether America will survive this presidency. It’s whether the international order can withstand a superpower that has abandoned knowledge, law, and basic human decency as guides to action; and taught the world that if you commit enough atrocities, quickly enough, eventually everyone stops counting.
So let’s dispense with euphemism. Trump’s sabotage is not strategy; it’s vandalism dressed in patriot drag. His tyranny is not eccentricity; it’s the brute logic of unchecked power, cloaked in grievance and broadcast as entertainment. And every time we flinch from naming it, we grease the gears of its normalization.
But tyranny thrives on silence, and spectacle wilts under scrutiny. The antidote isn’t nostalgia, moralising or civility; it’s clarity. Call it what it is. Say it out loud. The emperor not only has no clothes, he is mad, bad and dangerous. Write it in the margins. Mock it in verse. Teach it in classrooms. Refuse its framing. Because in a world addicted to the theatre of misrule, truth is not just resistance; it’s rehearsal for repair.
If this piece resonates, share it. If it unsettles, sit with it. If it angers, act. Tyranny thrives on silence; let’s not be complicit.
Hello David,
The insane prick can best be got rid of by an official finding that his presidency was obtained through the dumbing down of the population in its being soaked with rightist propaganda since WW II.
That’s when the US started going rotten. Big Business realised that immense wealth could be secured through the sale of arms, and that this accumulation could be generated by creating wars and conflicts worldwide. The desperate buy arms if they can. It’s all 99% evil.
Best regards,
Peter Bright
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Peter, Thank you for your strong and pointed critique of the political and media landscape. I fully appreciate your frustration with what you see as a systemic, long-term problem, tracing it back to the post-WWII era and the rise of the “military-industrial complex” , to quote Ike.
1. Your point about a population being “dumbed down” by “rightist propaganda” touches on a vital area of academic and public debate. Right-wing media ecosystems have colonised the id; (my phrase) mastered the art of emotional engagement whilst outrage, fear, and tribal identity outperform facts in the algorithmic economy.
Disinformation networks; from Fox News to podcasts and TikTok influencers; operate as a coordinated apparatus, not just isolated voices. They bypass traditional gatekeepers and flood the zone with spectacle. Now cynical political operators, “flood the zone with shit”, as Steve Bannon puts it. Wilful disinformation. Calculated to confuse. Perplex. Bewilder.
2. The Military-Industrial Complex: Your argument about “Big Business” and arms sales invokes President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s famous 1961 farewell address, where he explicitly warned the nation about the “unwarranted influence” of the “military-industrial complex.”
This concept is a well-established framework for analyzing the huge economic incentives behind war and conflict, and your view is a sharp, critical interpretation of its consequences. Agree.
3. Your suggestion of an “official finding” to remove a leader is where the odd practical and constitutional challenge arises. The mechanisms for removing a president are specifically defined in the US legal system (e.g., impeachment, or the 25th Amendment for incapacity) and are based on specific legal or constitutional violations, not on broader sociological or historical analyses. Trump is increasingly a 25th-er in my view.
While an official inquiry couldn’t legally base its findings on the “dumbing down of the population,” your underlying concern, that disinformation and powerful economic interests can undermine democratic processes is widely shared.
Many share your worry about these systemic issues, even if they propose different solutions, such as:
· Strengthening media literacy education.
· Advocating for campaign finance reform.
· Promoting greater transparency in the influence of lobbying.
That’s before we get to the unique power of media monopolies. And their owners’ abuse of their power. Media oligarchs such as our Kerry Stokes happily run their media businesses at a loss because it gives them a seat in the dressing room circle of political power. Murdoch is even more culpable of the corruption of democratic processes – and he must wear the blame for the “fucking moron” as he is reliably said to have called Trump. He should know. Fox created him.
Your comment channels a profound sense of historical and institutional critique. While the prescribed solution operates outside the legal framework, the diagnosis points to real and ongoing challenges that democracies are grappling with worldwide. It is not beyond the realms of possibility, however that Putin’s useful idiot may be rapidly outliving his usefulness and should avoid tall buildings with large windows – men with umbrellas and Muscovy accents – and accepting cups of tea laced with Polonium-210, which is notoriously difficult to detect.
Given recent reports of the Commander in Chief’s ill-health, the matter may already have been taken in hand. On the other hand, experts in dementia point to a pronounced deterioration in Trump’s gait, speech patterns and demeanour. Well may Nature take its course.
Not that senility is a simple exit.
The 25th Amendment requires either the president’s own recognition of incapacity OR the VP plus majority of the cabinet to act. But if cognitive decline is gradual, and the inner circle is loyal or in denial, or benefits from a weakened president they can control… nothing happens.
Historical examples:
• Woodrow Wilson had a stroke; his wife essentially ran things
• Reagan showed signs of decline in his second term
• Various senators and representatives have served while clearly impaired.
The system relies on:
1. Self-awareness and voluntary resignation (rare)
2. Political pressure from one’s own party (requires them to turn)
3. Electoral defeat (but that’s 2-4 years away)
4. Media and public pressure (which you’ve noted is compromised)
Kind regards, Urban.
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On Peter’s last point, it seems to me, from my reading of the American situation, that Congress is the only means by which an American President can be removed from office. Now Congress usually votes along party lines; that is why most impeachments don’t result in anything; if the dominant side supports the President, he or she is acquitted. It seems that it will take a reailsation that Trump is damaging the Republican Party to come from Republican congressmen and -women. Whilst a foreign observer can see that happening right now, being in the beltway might be a different experience. US history gives examples where party representatives have not supported the President of their own party. But that has usually been on trivial matters; what we need is a Republican split on Trump himself: that would give enough Republican votes to support any Democratic move to remove Trump.
What I ask myself is how much damage will Republicans tolerate before they resolve to act?
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Thanks for this, Mercurial. Your instincts are largely right, and a few clarifications may be useful to help frame what’s actually possible.
1) Congress is the main gatekeeper.
There are only two constitutional paths to remove a sitting president, and both run through Congress:
• Impeachment & removal (Article II): A simple majority of the House approves articles of impeachment; conviction and removal then require two-thirds of Senators present. If convicted, the Senate may take a separate, simple-majority vote to bar the person from future federal office. 
• The 25th Amendment (incapacity): Initiated by the Vice President and a majority of the Cabinet (or a body Congress designates). If the President contests it, keeping the VP as Acting President requires two-thirds votes in both chambers within 21 days; an even higher hurdle than impeachment. It is meant for inability to discharge duties, not policy or misconduct disputes. 
2) Today’s numbers do not bode well for removal.
In the current (119th) Congress, Republicans hold majorities in both the House and the Senate (53–47 in the Senate). That means:
• House: Even impeaching would require Republican defections, because the GOP controls the floor and committees. (As of August 2025 the House lineup was roughly 219 R / 212 D / 4 vacant.) 
• Senate: Conviction would need 67 votes. If all Democrats and the two independents voted to convict (47 total), you’d still need 20 Republican Senators to cross over; far beyond the seven Republicans who voted to convict Trump in 2021. 
Your point that it would take a GOP split is exactly right: without a decisive shift among Republican lawmakers (and their voters, donors, and media allies), the numbers simply don’t add up.
3) Courts and criminal cases won’t “remove” a president.
A criminal conviction does not itself disqualify someone from the presidency; the Constitution sets only age, citizenship, and residency requirements. Disqualification under the Civil-War-era 14th Amendment, Section 3 is also not self-executing for federal offices; the Supreme Court held in Trump v. Anderson (Mar. 4, 2024) that Congress must set any federal enforcement mechanism. In short: even here, Congress is the bottleneck. 
4) Precedent for breaking with a party leader exists—but it’s rare.
• In 1974, once the “smoking gun” tape became public, Republican support for Nixon collapsed; leaders told him conviction was likely, and he resigned. 
• By contrast, in 2021 only seven GOP senators voted to convict Trump—historically notable, but far short of two-thirds. 
What would actually move Republicans?
Historically, defections happen when rank-and-file Republican voters and donors peel away and when the political cost of loyalty eclipses the cost of defection (polling free-fall, fundraising collapse, or a galvanising, widely accepted piece of evidence). That’s why it can look obvious from abroad yet feel different “inside the Beltway”: members respond to their own primary electorates and information ecosystems more than to national opinion.
Bottom line:
You’re right that Congress is the only realistic removal route—and that it would require a significant Republican break on Trump himself. Given today’s chamber control and thresholds, that would mean not a handful but scores of GOP defections across the House and at least 20 in the Senate. Absent that, meaningful checks are more likely to come from elections, oversight, and the courts constraining particular actions; not from removal. 
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Hi David,
I much appreciate your comment and I’m amazed at how well you write, and of course, also how frequently you do it these daze, and how extraordinarily well!
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Wonderful to hear from you, Peter. Appreciate your kind comments. Sorry to hear about your feet. I have a rollator. Still manage to get around the classroom. Nothing like a spot of light emergency teaching to keep you grounded in reality. I shall removed the ID forthwith. I have one sister in NZ, still, Art Historian, Linda Tyler who is about to retire. At only 65 next year! Piker. Kind regards, David Tyler
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It’s not just the fact of Trump’s flouting of international norms, laws, rules and conventions, it’s the brazen deliberateness of that fact. He not only doesn’t care, he wants the world to know it.
Our leaders are playing with fire in insisting Australia’s continuing attachment is pretty much set. We’re tying ourselves to a neo-fascist state at war with ‘enemies’ without and within, and paying prodigious sums for the privilege. Albanese looks like he’ll offer rare earths in return for an easy ride in the Oval Office and its war criminal, gangster occupant.
So who’s next? Panama, Greenland ? Who knows?
Another excellent, if dispiriting commentary, Urban.
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And the world watches on!!
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Thanks for your reply to my reply to your reply, which I was unable to reply to.
An interesting scenario would arise if Trump slid into babbledom completely, something akin to – or worse than – Biden, and even the base realised he was incompetent (or even dangerous). Shady and the rest of the gang could try for either of the two main remedies for removing Trump, but how would the Democrats react? Both remedies would require some Democratic support to be passed. Would Democrat members vote to smooth the way for Vance to take over, or would they try and impede the President’s removal, with the obvious risks of a completely gaga Trump remaining in power? Or would a gaga Trump be easier for the Republicans to manipulate?
I don’t think this is completely unlikely.
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Why do so many of the world’s crazed right-wingers see Israel’s people as right when it’s so obvious that have no empathy for anyone but themselves? It seems to be rooted in their congenital low Intelligence Quotient.
My angry diagnosis of Israel’s insanely manic egregious behaviour is that it’s the direct consequence of its rabid underlying attitude of Infinite Arrogance inculcated from birth.
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